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The Worst but for All the
Rest
The Economic
Times, September 10, 2011
The ancient Greeks
were fully alive to the many flaws of democracy; the point,
however, is to ringfence them
Discontent with
democratic processes, including corruption of public
institutions, and a yearning for incorruptible guardians of
public interest is not a recent quest. During the
generation-long Peloponnesian war (430-400 BC) in which Sparta
finally defeated Athens, the Athenian oligarchic party led by
Critias demanded abandonment of democracy in favour of
aristocracy because of its inefficiency and corruption. And as
Socrates demurred, what could be more ridiculous than a mob-led,
passion-ridden democracy, a government by a debating society and
a choice of farmers and tradesmen as members of the supreme
court It would be interesting to see how Socrates defined this
chaotic state of governance and what the Platonic prescription
to eradicate this evil is in the context of the current debate
on similar issues.
Socrates says that
governments, including the courts, are necessary because all men
do not see clearly their interests, display farsightedness and
channel their chaotic desires into a purposive and creative
harmony. But if the government itself is chaotic, how can we
persuade the individual, in such a state, to obey laws and
confine his self-seeking How can one trust a state that
distrusts ability and respects number more than knowledge Is it
not universally seen that men in crowds are more foolish and
more violent than men as individuals Is it not a shame that men
should be ruled by brazen orators How can a society be saved, or
be strong, except if it be led by its wisest men?
Socrates was, of
course, sentenced to death for expounding such undemocratic
thoughts. But his pupil Plato took the argument forward and
built a theoretical construct relevant to the present-day
debate. Democracy, according to Plato, ruins itself by excess of
democracy. Its basic principle is equal right of all to hold
office and determine public policy. Commendable at first, it
fast becomes disastrous because the people are not equipped by
education to select the best and the wisest rulers. As to the
people, they have no understanding, and only respect what their
rulers are pleased to tell them. The upshot of such democracy is
tyranny. The crowd is so hungry for flattery that, at last, the
wiliest and the most unscrupulous flatterer, calling himself the
protector of the people, rises to supreme power.
The more Plato
thinks of it, the more astounded he is at the folly of leaving
to mob caprice and gullibility the selection of political
officials. The answer to this evil is the rule of guardians.
Forces of knowledge, science and philosophy would be nourished
and protected and they would rule, he says. People need the
guidance of philosophers, for statesmanship is a science and an
art; one must have lived for it and had been long prepared. Till
philosophers are kings, or kings and princes of this world have
the spirit and power of philosophy, and wisdom and political
leadership meet in the same man cities will never cease from
ill, nor the human race." Human behaviour flows from desire,
emotion and knowledge. But then, as man by nature is
acquisitive, jealous, combative and erotic, how would one find
those few who would subordinate desire and emotion fully to
knowledge Would the guardians not be corrupted soon enough To
answer this fundamental question, Plato creates the most
comprehensive theoretical utopia. All inhabitants of the city
who are 10 years or older should be sent to the countryside and
possession of all children taken over,to protect them from the
habits of their parents. Every child should be given full
equality of educational opportunity without any other
consideration. For the first 10 years, education would
predominantly be physical to determine varying degrees of
physical strength and endurance and bodily balance. But to
provide harmony to the soul, the next part of education would
include music. Music moulds character. And to that, religion and
ethics should be added.
By the age of 20,the
first ruthless weeding would take place. Those who pass the test
would receive 10 more years of education and training in body,
mind and character. They would then face the second round of
elimination. Those who remain would still need more training!
They would be taught philosophy, which simply means to think
clearly (metaphysics) and to rule wisely (politics) for five
more years. But the training would not end here. For the next 15
years, they would be allowed to undertake different vocations in
society to get practical training, at the end of which they
would face a final round of elimination. Those who survive would
be 50 years old, wise and experienced, untouched by the
corruption of human nature and ready to rule.
Public officials
would be chosen not by votes or secret cliques but by their own
ability demonstrated over decades. And so, setting aside every
other business, the guardians will dedicate themselves wholly to
the maintenance of freedom in the state, making this their craft
and engaging in no work which does not bear upon this end. They
will be legislature, executive and judiciary in one. The state
would provide for all their needs and their only reward would be
honour and a sense of service to the group, freed of egoism. But
what about the wives, he is asked, would they not need more The
guardians would not be permitted to have families; there would
be communism of wives. Aristotle, pupil and critic of Plato,
while accepting the Platonic model to be ideal, rejected it on
grounds of practicality. In his classification of constitutions,
he put the rule by the philosopher king as the best form of
ideal government and democracy as the worst form. However, he
also concluded that ideal was not practicable. Therefore, in
humanly possible forms of government, he put democracy with all
its weaknesses as the best, oligarchy second best, and autocracy
as the worst form of government.
Today,
two-and-a-half millennia after Plato and Aristotle, it would
seem that human concerns about public service, the possible
remedies and the practical difficulties in attaining the ideal
solution remain much the same.
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